Thursday, May 17, 2012

G8 urged to tackle malnutrition, the hidden killer in Mozambique | Global development | guardian.co.uk

Malnutrition in Mozambique
The ingredients for tree root soup, which has no nutritional value but is a resort for families with no food. Photograph: Simon Tisdall for the Guardian
For their meal tonight, Olinda Novela and her children will dine on tree root soup. This is what they ate for breakfast, and what they will likely eat tomorrow. The soup, made from mashed wood shavings boiled in salty water, has zero nutritional value. It is a thin, brown, evil-looking gruel. But in remote, drought-stricken Mahache village, about five hours' drive north from Mozambique's capital, Maputo, there is simply no other choice.
Novela, 37, has four children still at home; another four have moved away. They are not actually starving – not yet, anyway – but they are chronically malnourished, according to visiting community health workers.
They have much in common with many other Mozambican children, with an estimated 44% of under-fives physically or mentally impaired – the technical term is stunted – because of severe malnutrition. Their weakened immune systems increase their susceptibility to malaria, HIV, and other fatal diseases.
"I am hungry. Everyone is hungry. I am hungry all the time," Novela said, standing outside her crumbling home of mud walls, wooden stakes and corrugated iron. "I feel desperate. I don't know what will happen to me and the children if it does not rain."
She says there has been no fresh food in Mahache since January. Olinda hitches her youngest, Alissi, on her hip. Alissi looks about one year old. In fact, she is 21 months. Olinda's son, Leonardo, is seven but looks like a four-year-old.
The problem extends far beyond Mahache and its scale is daunting. Experts predict that in the next decade there will be 4 million chronically malnourished children in Mozambique, which despite recent, rapid economic growth and the discovery of large natural gas deposits remains one of the world's poorest countries.
Globally, malnutrition is the key cause of the deaths of 2.6 million children each year. On present trends, the bodies and brains of an additional 450 million worldwide will fail to develop properly because of inadequate diet over the next 15 years, according to a report published by Save the Children in February.
G8 leaders including Barack Obama and David Cameron have a chance to act this week. Food security – meaning, broadly, the availability of food at all times – is high on the agenda at their annual summit at Camp David, Maryland, beginning on Friday. Before the meeting, Obama will unveil a "new alliance" initiative involving selected African countries and private sector companies. The plan entails a $1bn, 10-year effort to lift 50 million people out of food poverty through increased investment in agricultural development.
Pre-summit draft consultation documents seen by the Guardian identify six sub-Saharan African states as "vanguard countries", including Mozambique. The leaders of another three, Ethiopia, Ghana and Tanzania, whose good governance records are deemed to be better than others, have been invited by Obama to attend the summit. If the initiative flourishes, it will be extended to other countries.
"The G8 confirms the ultimate goals of improving agricultural productivity, economic growth, food security and nutritional status, and recognises and affirms the central role of women and smallholder farmers in achieving these objectives," the document says.
"Malnutrition is a hidden problem, a hidden killer," said Carina Hassane Ismael of the independent Food Security and Nutrition Association in Maputo. "It's not like a famine. It can be hard to spot because the children are not actually starving."
Increased food availability was not necessarily the solution, she said. Better food quality as well as quantity, a balanced diet, improved hygiene, stable food prices, nutrition education and the overcoming of food taboos – in parts of Mozambique, children and nursing mothers are denied eggs, an irreplaceable source of protein – were all essential to defeating the stunting epidemic, she said.
G8 action thus far has been spurred in part by the catastrophic drought and ensuing displacement and famine in east Africa and by dire warnings that a similar disaster is in the making this year in the western Sahel region, driven by high grain prices, environmental degradation and climate change. But responses to these emergencies have increased concern that endemic, long-term problems such as chronic malnutrition are not being tackled with similar urgency, and that promises to fund solutions will be broken.
"The G8 is always making plans but they don't implement them," saidRafael Uaiene, assistant professor of international development with Michigan State University, who is based in Maputo, and is a former director of Mozambique's National Agricultural Research Institute. "The trouble is, millions of dollars are committed but they never reach the ground in most cases."
Critics point to the example of the G8's L'Aquila summit in 2009, which saw $6bn in new money pledged for food security and agricultural initiatives over three years. By last July, only 22% of the money had been spent.
"It is simply not acceptable for children to be eating roots to survive or to have only one meagre meal a day. This G8 meeting must mark the beginning of the world's biggest push to end hunger," said Justin Forsyth, head of Save the Children.
"In the past year, the G8 has played its part in dramatically reducing child deaths globally and it must continue in that vein by focusing resources on the battle against malnutrition and reducing the number of children who are stunted around the world."
The aching despair felt by Olinda Novela may not be assuaged by the G8 declaration. But Mozambique's experience also shows that intervention can help dramatically if those most in need can be identified and reached in time.
In Songuene village, near Guija in the Limpopo delta, Louisa, a 44-year-old mother of eight, said community health volunteers had helped her improve her children's health. The volunteers are trained by Save the Children and equipped with motorcycle trail bikes to enable them to negotiate seemingly endless, sandy, unmade roads. "My six-year-old Miseria was unwell. She has some cuts but they did not heal. So I took her to the hospital," Louisa said. "They told me Miseria was malnourished. The health worker taught me to make porridge including nuts and oil to make enriched food. She is healthy now. I take her for regular check-ups. I tell the other mothers, I am lucky to have a community volunteer as my neighbour." In this way, in theory, word spreads.
Marcela Libombo, national co-ordinator of the government's food security and nutrition secretariat (Setsan), said the government was implementing a new plan to address child malnutrition. Setsan aims to bring down the proportion of under-fives who are stunted from 44% to 30% by 2015, and to 20% by 2020.
The plan identified vulnerable groups such as young women and stipulated better education and training on nutrition for public and health workers, Libombo said. Mozambique's efforts were supported by international NGOs and foreign governments, including Britain's Department for International Development. "We are very optimistic. We are very positive about the G8," Libombo said. But it was necessary to closely link summit initiatives to human development, she added. "If you want to invest in the future, you need to talk about people."

Wednesday, May 16, 2012

African Human Development Report 2012 - YouTube

African Human Development Report 2012 - YouTube: ""

'via Blog this'

Why are so many Africans hungry? | GlobalPost

UN calls for Africa to increase food production to reduce malnutrition and to boost economic growth.
South kordofan 5 6 2012 1
A child from Sudan's Nuba Mountains shows signs of severe malnutrition in a feeding center at the Yida refugee camp in South Sudan. (Trevor Snapp/GlobalPost)
Why are so many Africans going hungry?
Why is the continent plagued by famines?
Right now an estimated 15 million Africans are threatened with starvation in West Africa's Sahel region including Chad, Mali, Niger, Mauritania and Burkina Faso, as well as parts of northern Senegal, northern Nigeria and Cameroon.
Last year some 50,000 to 100,000 people died in the famine that hit Somalia as well as Kenya, Ethiopia, Uganda and Djibouti.  
These famines are occuring with regularity because too many Africans are dependent upon subsistence agriculture and are dependent upon natural rainfall and outdated agricultural methods. They need help from their governments to become more productive farmers.
That's the view of a new report from the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) which was issued today in Nairobi.
It's not just the famines. Wars also create conditions where people cannot grow adequate food, such as the current situation in Sudan.
But even in peacetime, many African countries have chronically malnourished populations. Nearly 218 million people on the continent are undernourished and this number is expected to rise. The situation affects children in particular, with 55 million children malnourished, representing 40 percent of African children under five, according to the BBC.
Africa's positive economic growth, estimated to be five percent this year, cannot be sustained if a large proportion of Africa's people are going hungry, reported AP. 
“Impressive GDP growth rates in Africa have not translated into the elimination of hunger and malnutrition. Inclusive growth and people-centered approaches to food security are needed,” said UNDP Administrator Helen Clark at the launch of the report which was attended by Kenya’s President Mwai Kibaki.
Chronic food deficits in sub-Saharan Africa are a result of decades of poor governance, said Tegegnework Gettu, an assistant secretary-general and regional director for the UNDP bureau in Africa.
Africa has the knowledge, the technology and the means to end hunger and food insecurity but lacks the political will and dedication, said Gettu, according to AP.
"Africa must stop begging for food. That is an affront to both its dignity and its potential," he said. "If some African countries can acquire and deploy jet fighters, tanks, artillery and other means of destruction, why should they not be able to master agricultural know-how? Why should African be unable to afford technology, tractors, irrigation, seed varieties and training needed to be food secure?"
The UNDP report calls for improved rural infrastructure and health services to farmers.
Some success stories point the way for Africa.
Malawi had been short of food for years and but within two years it produced 1.3 million ton surplus because the government rolled out a a massive seed and fertilizer subsidy program to peasant farmers. 
And Ghana has become the first sub-Saharan African country to achieve a Millennium Development Goal of halving the number of its hungry people 2015. This was achieved partly by policies which encouraged cocoa farmers to boost output.
This UNDP video shows the problem and suggests solutions.



http://www.globalpost.com/dispatches/globalpost-blogs/chatter/africa-hunger-famine-food-sahel

Monday, May 14, 2012

Hunger at Camp David -Professor Sir Gordon Conway

Gordon Conway writes for the Chicago Council on Global Affairs Global Food for Thought blog.
The one billion poor and hungry in the world will not be at the Camp David G8 summit later this month. But decisions made there could make their lives a great deal better. Now is the time to act, building on the significant achievements made since the agreement of the G8 L'Aquila Food Security Initiativein 2009.
Despite the multiple challenges at large, I am optimistic about African agriculture. There has certainly never been a better basis to build on. While the economies of the G8 nations themselves are in the doldrums, many African countries are experiencing significant growth. Over the past decade six of the world's ten fastest growing economies were African. Ghana, for example, has been growing very fast -- predicted to be over 8 percent this year -- and not only because of minerals and oil: their agricultural growth has been averaging over 5 percent for at least the past ten years.
One of the reasons has been the commitment of African leaders, like former President John Kufuor of Ghana, to invest in agriculture. In 2003, African heads of state pledged to allocate 10% of their national budgets to agriculture and nine have so far exceeded this target. Furthermore, 30 countries have completed the African Union's roundtable process under the Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Program (CAADP) and signed strategy "compacts." These, in turn, are forming the basis for investment by G8 and other donors.
Experience tells us that food security underpins global security, that food trade is central to global trade, and that agricultural development is the best route to achieving economic growth which will reach the rural poor and most vulnerable in low income countries.
On the ground, we also know what African farmers, men and women, can achieve. Given certified seed, fertilizers and adequate water, yields of staple crops, such as maize, can exceed five tons per hectare. In one sense it is a no-brainer. But we also know it takes more than gifts to produce sustainable food security.
Smallholder farmers need reliable, local access to input and output markets. Village level agrodealers are springing up over many parts of Africa, selling certified seeds, fertilizers, pesticides and providing credit in small quantities and at affordable costs. They in turn are being supplied by new locally based seed and fertilizer companies, and funded by national banks. Their harvests are being sold to local trading companies (sometimes via cooperatives or contract systems) that are, in turn, gaining better access to national markets and performing transactions using mobile phones.
The creation of such "enabling environments" is a key to success. Public leadership is crucial as is public funding. But also the private sector has a role to play in creating new and varied value chains and in ensuring that the benefits flow to those down the chain while the risks are carried higher up. It is a complex challenge. One approach in Ethiopia has been the creation of anAgricultural Transformation Agency, with support of the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and chaired by the Ethiopian Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi. The agency focuses on helping existing structures of government, private sector and other non-governmental partners overcome the systemic bottlenecks in delivering agricultural growth and food security. It is a model that could be replicated elsewhere.
Agricultural growth is good, but in itself is not enough. The growth has to deliver incomes to the poor; it also has to be resilient. African agriculture like that of other developing countries faces severe challenges. Crops and livestock can be devastated almost overnight by pests, diseases and weeds with fearsome names such as Striga, Black Sigatoka, Rift Valley Fever and Xanthomonas wilt. On top of these is the growing threat of drought and heat as a consequence of climate change. In Africa, for each degree day above 30°C (86°F) there is a 1.7% loss of maize yield under drought conditions.
At the core of this new agriculture is the concept and practice of Sustainable Intensification. In simple terms this means getting more from less -- on a durable basis. More food, more agricultural products, on less land with less pesticides and fertilizers, less water and lower outputs of greenhouse gases.
We know how to do this on a small experimental scale. The aim is to do it on a large scale, at less cost than current methods, and for it to be sustainable -- that is, it must last. Moreover the intensification has to be resilient, or able to cope with stresses and shocks, especially those arising from climate change.
Unfortunately fierce arguments arise as to the means. Some say the answer lies in developing large farms, others say that smallholders are the key, some emphasise organic farming methods, others focus on biotechnology, especially GM; large-scale irrigation is countered by small-scale water harvesting, export crops by staples, livestock production is thought to be inferior to a vegetarian based agriculture.
Most of us would accept that in all these arguments both counterpoised approaches have a role to play, depending on the environmental, social and cultural circumstances. We need an agriculture that is not "either... or" but one that stresses "both... and." The billion or more poor and hungry deserve no less.
Follow Professor Sir Gordon Conway on Twitter: www.twitter.com/ag4impact

Wednesday, May 2, 2012

With climate and vegetation data, geographers closer to predicting droughts in Africa

With climate and vegetation data, UCSB geographers closer to predicting droughts in Africa

The top map on the left represents the current normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) conditions (April 11-20, 2012), and the bottom left is the average for this time of year. The top right map is the difference between the top (current) and bottom (normal) on the left, and the bottom right map is the "significance" or "z-score" of that difference. Credit: Joel Michaelsen
What might happen if droughts were predicted months ahead of time? Food aid and other humanitarian efforts could be put together sooner and executed better, say UC Santa Barbara geographers Chris Funk, Greg Husak, and Joel Michaelsen. After over a decade of gathering and analyzing climate and vegetation data from East Africa, the researchers, who are part of the U.S. Agency for International Development's Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWS NET), say there is enough evidence to associate climate conditions in the region with projected rainfall deficits that could lead to food shortages.
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"We've been looking at climate in East Africa and trying to relate that back to patterns in , rainfall, and winds over the Indian and Pacific oceans," said Funk, who analyzes and predicts large-scale climate anomalies in Africa. Results show that over the last 14 years, the number of droughts has doubled in East Africa. Roughly half of the last 14 years have been drought years.
"We've been worried about these trends for a long time," said Michaelsen, who studies the patterns of vegetation greening and browning in the area. "This year marks a bit of a watershed because we're starting to understand more the specific structure of these droughts, which is what underlay our early warning projections this year."
Through the , coupled with satellite data that has recorded the patterns of vegetation greening and browning over the last decade, the researchers have detected a pattern that points to the likelihood of water shortages months ahead of time –– a pattern the U.S. government is taking seriously. A recent alert from the government-run USAID agency has taken into account FEWS NET's projection of the likelihood of low rainfall this March-May rainy season in East Africa, as USAID prepares its outreach efforts.
"It's already a billion-dollar problem that they're thinking needs $50 million more; they're already anticipating a 5 percent increase in the need for aid," said Husak, who specializes in analyzing remote sensing data and rainfall. The area, which includes chronically food-insecure countries like Ethiopia and Somalia, is still recovering from last year's famine.
The U.S. government spends more than a billion dollars in food aid every year. FEWS NET was created after the 1984-1985 Ethiopian famine, an event that killed over a million people before sufficient food aid could be airlifted into the country. FEWS NET has since become a leader in integrating monitoring, forecasting, and climate trends analysis.
Famine, say the researchers, is the result of more than severe climate: Conflict, political unrest, corruption, and other human factors are also major contributors to the crisis. Additionally, relief is not just a matter of putting food on a boat and distributing it among the locals. If food aid is sent to a place that doesn't need it, the surplus could distort the local market by devaluing the prices of local products. Conversely, not providing food aid quickly enough distorts the market in the other direction, limiting access to available resources.
"Prices of food have gone up," said Michaelsen. "It's not the brownness (of the vegetation) that causes food insecurity; it's the price of food." The challenge, say the geographers, will be for aid agencies to determine where their finite resources will go.
In the long term, and with more information, Michaelsen, Husak, and Funk, along with the extensive network of colleagues in FEWS NET, hope to gain a better understanding of the effects the changing  will have on the abilities of a region –– and the agencies that support it –– to prevent future crises.
"There are going to be a lot of surprises, and how agile we are at responding to those surprises is going to make a big difference," said Michaelsen.
Provided by University of California - Santa Barbara (news : web)

Tuesday, May 1, 2012

Ethiopia: Women gain power through cooperative | WFP | United Nations World Food Programme - Fighting Hunger Worldwide

London — The Sudanese government is providing support to the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) an insurgency that originated in northern Uganda but now operates in South Sudan, Central African Republic (CAR) and the Democratic Republic of Congo, according to the Ugandan military.
Sudan has denied the allegation, which is the latest in a string of statements from South Sudan's neighbour against the Sudanese government in Khartoum.

Mashuu and her fellow farmers of the Jalela Primary Cooperative.
Copyright: WFP/Elly Sukup.
Uganda's president Yoweri Museveni, a frequent critic of Khartoum, told an event in Ethiopia April 16 that Sudan's attitude to ethnicity, culture and religion was the prime example of how not to manage diversity in Africa.
On April 20, South Sudan welcomed the announcement made by the chief of Uganda People's Defence Forces (UPDF), Aronda Nyakairima, that Uganda would intervene if the current border conflict between Juba and Khartoum escalates into a full-scale war.
Khartoum responded on April 21 by accusing Kampala of issuing passports to senior officials from the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), an armed group who have been fighting the government in the Sudanese states of South Kordofan and Blue Nile since last year. Kampala denied the allegation.
During the two-decade Sudanese civil war, which ended in 2005 with a peace deal granting South Sudan the right to seceded last year, Uganda sided with the SPLM rebels who now form the government in Juba.
In response, Khartoum is widely accused of backing the LRA, which began operating in South Sudan and elsewhere in Central Africa having been forced out of northern Uganda by the UPDF.
The LRA was founded by Joseph Kony in his Acholi community amid repression from the UPDF. Its stated aim is to overthrow the government in Kampala and install the Bible's Ten Commandments.
Across Uganda, CAR, DRC and South Sudan the LRA is accused of massive human rights abuses including rape, mutilation, murder and the recruitment of child soldiers.
However, the group is believed to only have a few hundred soldier's left due to desertions and combined regional attempts - recently backed by United States army advisors and African Union troops - to end the conflict militarily.
Uganda's accusations come as tensions between Sudan and South Sudan remain extremely high, with the conflict along their disputed oil-rich border passing the one month mark.
Sudan's president has said that the SPLM government must be overthrown, describing them as "insects" that must be crushed.
Such rhetoric may simply be playing to his right-wing support-base but are symptomatic of the depths to which relations have fallen less than 10 months after South Sudan's independence.
Juba already accuses the Sudan Armed Forces of supporting and fighting alongside Southern "mercenaries" along the border and supporting rebellions in Upper Nile, Unity and Jonglei states. Khartoum denies this and maintains that the SPLM in Juba has not severed its ties with the SPLM-N north of the border.
During the six year period of Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the SPLM and Sudan's ruling National Congress Party (NCP), allegations of Khartoum's backing of the LRA decreased out but have reemerged now hostilities have resumed.
Ugandan army spokesman Col Felix Kulayigye told the BBC Monday that its intelligence indicated that the LRA was now moving into Sudan's Darfur region from the Central African Republic (CAR), including areas controlled by pro-government militia the Janjaweed.
"Kony knows we can't enter that region, so when the pressure is high in Central Africa he crosses into the Sudanese border [areas]," Kulayigye said.
The Ugandan army colonel told the BBC that the UPDF had captured a LRA soldier wearing a uniform from the Sudan Armed Forces. He also alleged that his weapons and ammunition were the same as those carried by SAF personnel.
Sudan's ambassador to the UK, Abdullahi al-Azreg, told the BBC that Uganda's accusations were a "big lie".
"We are not helping and we will not help [Joseph Kony]. He's a criminal," he said.
The LRA has split into small groups that rarely use electronic communications and operate across a huge area of Central Africa, often in dense bush and forests that make them hard to track.
To survive the LRA raids villages for supplies and abduct young men to become fighters and young girls to become sex slaves.
The African Union announced in March that it was setting up a 5,000-strong force to hunt Kony and what remains of his group. The regional armies pursuing the elusive rebel leader are also being assisted by 100 US special forces working from four bases across Central Africa.
Since peace talks held in Juba broke down in 2008 - due to LRA fears that Kony and the group's leadership could not be granted immunity from prosecution by the International Criminal Court - the international community has opted to adopt a military rather than negotiated resolution for the two-decade long conflict that has displaced hundreds of thousands of people.
Some analysts interpret the Juba peace talks as just a means to buy time on the part of the LRA to regroup and that Kony was never serious about signing a deal.